Juan Negrin

Juan Negrin

We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Juan Negrin, the son of a wealthy businessman, was born in Spain in 1892. He studied at several German universities and in 1923 he became professor of physiology at the Medical Faculty of Madrid University.

In 1929 Negrin joined he Socialist Party (PSOE) and two years later was elected to the Cortes. Over the next few years he was a supporter of Indalecio Prieto, the leader of the moderate faction in the PSOE.

He supported the Popular Front government and in September 1936 Francisco Largo Caballero appointed him minister of finance. During the Spanish Civil War Negrin took the controversial decision to transfer the Spanish gold reserves to the Soviet Union in return for arms to continue the war. Worth $500 million at the time, critics argued that this action put the Republican government under the control of Joseph Stalin.

In the Civil War the National Confederation of Trabajo (CNT), the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) and the Worker's Party (POUM) played an important role in running Barcelona. This brought them into conflict with other left-wing groups in the city including the Union General de Trabajadores (UGT), the Catalan Socialist Party (PSUC) and the Communist Party (PCE).

On the 3rd May 1937, Rodriguez Salas, the Chief of Police, ordered the Civil Guard and the Assault Guard to take over the Telephone Exchange, which had been operated by the CNT since the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Members of the CNT in the Telephone Exchange were armed and refused to give up the building. Members of the CNT, FAI and POUM became convinced that this was the start of an attack on them by the UGT, PSUC and the PCE and that night barricades were built all over the city.

Fighting broke out on the 4th May. Later that day the anarchist ministers, Federica Montseny and Juan Garcia Oliver, arrived in Barcelona and attempted to negotiate a ceasefire. When this proved to be unsuccessful, Negrin now called on Francisco Largo Caballero to use government troops to takeover the city. Largo Caballero also came under pressure from Luis Companys, the leader of the PSUC, not to take this action, fearing that this would breach Catalan autonomy.

On 6th May death squads assassinated a number of prominent anarchists in their homes. The following day over 6,000 Assault Guards arrived from Valencia and gradually took control of Barcelona. It is estimated that about 400 people were killed during what became known as the May Riots.

These events in Barcelona severely damaged the Popular Front government. Negrin was highly critical of the way Francisco Largo Caballero handled the May Riots. President Manuel Azaña agreed and on 17th May he asked Negrin to form a new government. Negrin was now a communist sympathizer and from this date Joseph Stalin obtained more control over the policies of the Republican government.

In April 1938 Negrin also took over the Ministry of Defence. He now began appointing members of the Communist Party (PCE) to important military and civilian posts. This included Marcelino Fernandez, a communist, to head the Carabineros. Communists were also given control of propaganda, finance and foreign affairs. The socialist, Luis Araquistain, described Negrin's government as the "most cynical and despotic in Spanish history."

Negrin now attempted to gain the support of western governments by announcing his plan to decollectivize industries. On 1st May 1938 Negrin published a thirteen-point program that included the promise of full civil and political rights and freedom of religion. President Manuel Azaña attempted to oust Negrin in August 1938. However, he no longer had the power he once had and with the support of the communists in the government and armed forces, Negrin was able to survive.

On 27th February, 1939, the British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain recognized the Nationalist government headed by General Francisco Franco. Later that day President Azaña resigned from office, declaring that the war was lost and that he did not want Spaniards to make anymore useless sacrifices.On 27th February, 1939, the British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain recognized the Nationalist government headed by General Francisco Franco. Later that day Manuel Azaña resigned from office, declaring that the war was lost and that he did not want Spaniards to make anymore useless sacrifices.

Negrin now promoted communist leaders such as Antonio Cordon, Juan Modesto and Enrique Lister to senior posts in the army. Segismundo Casado, commander of the Republican Army of the Centre, now became convinced that Negrin was planning a communist coup. On 4th March, Casedo, with the support of the socialist leader, Julián Besteiro and disillusioned anarchist leaders, established an Anti-Negrin National Defence Junta.

On 6th March José Miaja in Madrid joined the rebellion by ordering the arrests of Communists in the city. Negrin, about to leave for France, ordered Luis Barceló, commander of the First Corps of the Army of the Centre, to try and regain control of the capital. His troops entered Madrid and there was fierce fighting for several days in the city. Anarchists troops led by Cipriano Mera, managed to defeat the First Corps and Barceló was captured and executed.

Negrin now fled to France where he attempted to maintain a government in exile. After the invasion of the German Army in the summer of 1940 he went to live in England.

After the Second World War Negrin returned to France where he died on 12th November, 1956.

The Government was headed by Caballero, a Left-wing Socialist, and contained ministers representing the U.G.T. (Socialist trade unions) and the C.N.T. (Syndicalist unions controlled by the Anarchists). The Catalan Generalite was for a while virtually superseded by an anti-Fascist Defence Committee' consisting mainly of delegates from the trade unions. Later the Defence Committee was dissolved and the Generalite was reconstituted so as to represent the unions and the various Left-wing parties. But every subsequent reshuffling of the Government was a move towards the Right. First the P.O.U.M. was expelled from the Generalite; six months later Caballero was replaced by the Right-wing Socialist Negrin; shortly afterwards the C.N.T. Was eliminated from the Government; then the U.G.T.; then the C.N.T. Was turned out of the Generalite; finally, a year after the outbreak of war and revolution, there remained a Government composed entirely of Right-wing Socialists, Liberals, and Communists.

Juan Negrin, former Minister of Treasury under Largo and a friend of the foreign correspondents, was named Premier to succeed Largo. I had known Negrin for several years and sincerely admired him. Even after the stocky, bespectacled multi-linguist became a cabinet minister he continued his nightly visits to the Miami bar for his after-dinner liqueur. I often chatted with him there, getting angles on the financial situation.

The presence of a moderate Socialist at the head of the new government was a boon to the regime because it strengthened the fiction of a "democratic" government abroad. Largo's ouster, however, produced fresh troubles. Feeling much stronger after its critical first test of strength against the Catalonian Anarcho-Syndicalists, the government had ousted the Anarchist members of the Catalonian Generalitat government and followed this up by excluding the Anarcho-Syndicalists from representation in the new Negrin cabinet.

Largo, it had been thought, would step down gracefully, but, bitterly disappointed and angry, the former Premier immediately began plotting his return to power. The Anarchists, equally bitter at their being deprived of a voice in government, suddenly threw their support to Largo, who adopted as his new campaign slogan the Anarchist cry "We want our social revolution now."

Dr. Negrin, the Finance Minister in the last Government has succeeded, after a day of strenuous effort, in forming a Government in place of Senor Caballero's, which resigned on Saturday owing to internal differences.

Dr. Negrin's Cabinet maintains the same Popular Front formation as that of Senor Largo Caballero, but consists of nine members instead of fifteen. Dr. Negrin had previously stated that he would aim at such a reduction. The new Cabinet has only three Socialists, whereas formerly they had six Ministers. The Communists retain their previous strength of two.

The major changes are the departure of Senor Largo Caballero and the dropping of Senor del Vayo, the Socialist Foreign Minister.

Dr. Negrin has formed his Government without the active collaboration of the two large groups of trade unions the U.G.T. - Socialist and Communist - and the C.N.T. (mainly Anarchists and Socialists). These bodies refused during the afternoon to collaborate in the Government formed by Dr. Juan Negrin. The reason was his intention to cut down the number of Ministers allotted to them.

However, three of the new Ministers are members of the Socialist party, which predominates in the U.G.T. One of the significant features of the new Government is the concentration of the Ministries of War, Air, and Marine in the hands of one Minister of National Defence.

The government headed by Largo Caballero had been formed on September 4, 1936 and resigned on May 15, 1937. Caballero was invited by President Azana to form a new government but failed in his attempts to do so. It would seem that the Barcelona revolt played a part in the fall of Caballero's Government but his real problems arose from the refusal of the Communists to collaborate with him and the unpreparedness of the Socialists to work with him in the absence of the Communists.

A secret F.A.I. - Federacion Anarquista Iberica - circular of September 1938 pointed out that of 7,000 promotions in the Army since May 5,500 had been Communists. In the Army of the Ebro out of 27 brigades, 25 were commanded by Communists, while all 9 divisional commanders, 3 army corps commanders, and the supreme commander (Modesto) were Communists. This was the most extreme case of Communist control, but the proportions for the Anarchists were nearly as depressing elsewhere. In all six armies of Republican Spain the Anarchists believed the proportions to be 163 Communist brigade commanders to 33 Anarchists, 61 divisional commanders to 9 Anarchists, 15 army corps commanders to 2 Anarchists (with 4 Anarchist sympathizers), and 3 Communist army commanders, 2 sympathizers and one neutral.

The Negrin Government issued a communique, stating, 'On the Catalan front, the battle presents its usual features. Our forces are heroically resisting violent attacks launched by Italian troops' - Italian troops, at that time, amounted to less than 4 per cent of Franco's effectives - 'supported by Spanish contingents. After suffering great losses, the enemy has compelled us to readjust, slightly, the contour of our lines.' Negrin's communique was dated 25 January 1939, one day before the capture of Barcelona. At the time it was issued every Red leader in Catalonia had fled to France, leaving behind them 200,000 men, 242 cannon, 100 planes, 3,500 machine-guns, thousands of rifles, millions of cartridges and every imaginable kind of rolling-stock, including 6,000 lorries, all of which fell into our hands.

The loss of Teruel was an episode of the war brought about by the enormous quantity of arms and men sent to the assistance of Franco by Italy and Germany. We need the aid of no one. With the men, material, and ideals at our disposal we are certain of ultimate victory, which has been so long postponed. The delay in victory is due solely to the intervention of foreign Powers and the injustice of the Non-Intervention Committee which hinders our purchase of armaments.

We believe that German and Italian superiority in armaments will not last long and that the Spanish Government with its resources will supply the Republican Army with all the aeroplanes and war material which are required, superior to the Fascists. The Spanish people have shown in history what they are capable of when their country and liberties are in danger and at stake. The country of so much suffering and of so great morale will win in the long run.

Spanish workers, people of anti-fascist Spain! The time has come when we must proclaim to the four winds the truth of our present situation. As revolutionaries, as proletarians, as Spaniards, as anti-fascists, we cannot endure any longer the imprudence and the absence of forethought of Dr. Negrin's government. We cannot permit that, while the people struggle, a few privileged persons should continue their life abroad. We address all workers, antifascists and Spaniards! Constitutionally, the government of Dr Negrin is without lawful basis. In practice also, it lacks both confidence and good sense. We have come to show the way which may avoid disaster: we who oppose the policy of resistance give our assurance that not one of those who ought to remain in Spain shall leave till all who wish to leave have done so.

What do you think of the situation in Spain now? Do you think that the revolution is progressing? For my part I see it slipping, slipping, and that has been the position for some time. However, perhaps it will be possible for it to be saved. Let us hope so, but it seems to me that reaction is gaining a stronger hold each day. What do you expect Britain and France to do about Italy, now that she has so openly declared her intentions? Do you think they will rush an armistice or will they just let things slide? In my opinion they cannot afford to let things slide as there is no limit to what the Duce will do, and I don't think they will be prepared to declare war, so the only alternative, so as as I can see, is an armistice. I think an armistice would be a disgraceful thing, and the Anarchists of Spain would not stand for it. But I am afraid the government cannot be trusted. The government and its Communist Party allies are capable of anything. What will follow? Of course, I do not know what will take place. It is all speculation on my part but things seem to me to be in a very bad way.

The political situation, however, was the main purpose of our visit and we were reminded of this at the dinner given for us late at night by the Prime Minister, Dr Juan Negrin, in his home in the hills overlooking the city. This was also attended by other senior ministers including Alvarez del Vayo, the Foreign Minister, with whom we had already had a two-hour talk on international affairs three days earlier. I marvel now at how cool and collected they all were, with Madrid isolated. General Franco's forces about to cross the river, their people ravaged by shortages of food and grievous defeat facing them within, at the most, a few months.

Dr Negrin was a distinguished scientist as well as a competent organiser, who recognised only too clearly the terrifying scale of what he and his allies were up against. He also foresaw that this civil war could well prove to be the precursor of a wholesale European conflict between the forces of fascism and the free democracies. He characterised the situation in 1938, with appeasement still predominating, as a 'clash between cowardly prudence and rash audacity'. He had already prophesied what would happen to Austria and Czechoslovakia, and no stronger or better-informed voice was raised at that time against further appeasement of the Axis powers. Negrin was a man of integrity and inner strength. When he had first been required to sign a death sentence passed by a military tribunal, a shadow had passed over his face and he had reflected that 'We must sanction all death sentences that may be necessary so that Spain may live.' He had also made successful use of a three-month indisposition to master Hungarian, a complicated and impenetrable tongue unrelated to other Southern or Central European languages. The equally impressive del Vayo, previously a foreign correspondent and then an ambassador, also warned us with the greatest intensity that, unless the international community rallied soon to the Spanish Republican cause, the effects of his people's struggle would ultimately extend far beyond Spain.

Juan Negrin, made a dramatic effort to change the picture. The decision was reached to withdraw the International Brigades from combat and to send us home. This was a last desperate move by the government to dramatize before the League of Nations that the Spanish Republic was not dependent on foreign aid. It was made in the hope that the League might at last force Hitler and Mussolini out of Spain. The hope was a vain one. The League did nothing except take an official census of the International Volunteers as we left Spain. The farce of non-intervention was carried through to the very end, which finally included the end of the League of Nations itself. The refusal of the League to act only made the fascist dictators impatient for the kill. They stepped up their aid to Franco.

Biography of Juan Negrín López (1892-1956)

Politician, statesman, physician and Spanish promoter born in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria in 1892 and died in Paris (France) on November 12, 1956. He/She was Professor of Physiology of the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Madrid, and initiator of the school of this specialty, which reached great prestige in the world and among whose disciples are Severo Ochoa or Francisco Grande Covián.

Teaching and scientific

Coming from a wealthy family of the island commercial bourgeoisie, Negrin began studying medicine in Kiel (Germany). Later, his interest in Physiology made him move to Leipzig, where he/she entered the Faculty of Medicine of the city. There he/she made contact with Theodor von Brücke (1880-1941), one of main physiologists of this era, who convinced him that you enter in the Institute of Physiology and assumed the post of "Deputy Assistant", shortly before finishing his studies at the University. Received his doctorate in 1912 with a thesis on the "glucosaria experimental".

In addition to medical studies, Negrin attended virtually all of the career of chemistry in Germany and even dedicated a part of his time to the study of Economics, that acquired knowledge which would be you extremely useful in the delicate moments of responsibility that would live during the civil war.

Negrin's first investigations were devoted to studying the adrenal glands and its relationship with the central nervous system, which attempted to prove the existence of a neurological control direct on blood glucose levels, or if this control was carried out indirectly through adrenaline. Thus, under the direction of Brücke, Negrin studied initially the physiological mechanism of glycosuria produced by the bite or puncture of the fourth ventricle, known by the name of piqûre glicogenique de Claude Bernard(1855). His work was published in the newsletter of the society Spanish of biology (1911) when he/she was only 19 years old.

Investigations by Negrín allowed him to observe the regulatory role of Central glusosurico located in the fourth ventricle on the internal secretion of the adrenal glands through the sympathetic nervous system. In this way, he/she managed to demonstrate that reciprocal action "endocrine nervous-system" was not only accomplished through peripheral parts of the nervous system, but also through the central vegetative part, with what was found, from experiences vivisectivas, the relationship between glycosuria and adrenaline levels.

However, the theme that Negrin devoted greater attention at this stage was study the variations of the cromofilo content of the adrenal in different experimental conditions, although its findings were never published. However, after follow this line of research and continue their experiences about the puncture of the fourth ventricle, glycosuria and secretion of adrenaline, reached to publish several works in which determined a procedure to view the contents of the adrenals in chromophil substance along with Brücke. In this way, Negrín and Brücke provided a new method for confirmation of the fact, discovered by Kahn (1912), relative to the decrease of the chromophil substance after the piqûre.

At the same time, and also by Brücke, Negrin perfected their techniques of vivisection after studying the role of the sympathetic nerve as inervador tonic musculature, which contributed, on the other hand, a fast-track procedure of microanalysis for the quantitative determination of glucose in the blood. Also among his contributions, it is necessary to also mention translation which made from French into German of the Charles Richet work entitled L'Anaphylaxie, certainly revealing data from its pointed multilingualism.

The outbreak of the first world war forced Negrin to return to Spain (Las Palmas) in 1915, it had even to refuse an offer of work as "privat dozent". A year later was entrusted the direction of the newly created laboratory of General Physiology of the Junta para Ampliación de Estudios e Investigaciones Científicas, installed at the Residencia de Estudiantes. Negrin began well in Madrid, as it did August Pi i Sunyer in Barcelona, a great process of renewal and update of experimental physiology.

A genuine school of important physiologists very well formed, thanks to the politics of pensions for the Board, in the most important centers of research of the moment was built in winch to your figure. The main core of researchers associated with Negrín was formed by José Domingo Hernández Guerra, José Mª. Corral García, José Sopeña Boncompte, José Miguel Sacristán Gutiérrez, Severo Ochoa de Albornoz, José Mª. García-Valdecasas, Ramón Pérez-Cirera, Blas Cabrera Sánchez, Rafael Méndez Martínez, Francisco Grande Covián and José Manuel Rodríguez Delgado, among the most significant.

In the laboratory, Negrin continued and completed its work initiated in Germany, which was, ultimately, the creation of some of the lines of research of their school. It undertook studies on the regulation of blood glucose, receptive substances and Physiology and pharmacodynamics of sympathetic terminations, closely related to the research carried out in Leipzig. In this sense, of Negrín major research in this period were aimed to continue their work in Leipzig on the adrenals and adrenaline, which attempted to clarify why hypersecretion adrenalin, against all odds, was not followed by an increase of blood pressure. Negrin perceived, behind the simple fact of the secretion of adrenaline, the possible evolutionary implications of his research: If you consider the sensitivity of the protoplasm to the most insignificant variations of the chemical Constitution of the medium in which it is located, Negrin stated that "it is presumed that changes of humoral environment, caused by the products of the cell turnoverthey can be considered the simplest expression of an endocrine function and, probably, as one of the first steps in the phylogenetic evolution of internal secretions". In the same exposure (1918) concluded that: "phylogenetically newer than the parasympathetic training is the sympathetic, and proceed emigrant central nervous system cells. Their ontogenic relationship with cromofilo tissue today is beyond doubt".

Negrin was famous for his innovations in medical instrumentation, designed with the help of the automatic laboratory directed by Leonardo Torres Quevedopersonnel. At the Congress of Physiology Paris (1920), according to Gonzalo Rodríguez-Lafora, "Negrin, collaborators and disciples, made a great impression, and your device 'the estalagmometro', designed to graphically pick the number of drops of liquids that pass through blood vessels in the experiences of Trendelenburg, to determine the dilatadora or constrictor action of different substances, was a great success so much so that many of the eminent physiologists who attended have asked Madrid this ingenious physiological apparatus". At the same Congress, Negrin analyzed the classical technique of vivisection of Bernard critical which was published in 1922. He/She also designed a myograph direct no amplifier of rectilinear front inscription.

In 1920 revalidated his doctor's degree with a thesis on vascular tone and the mechanism of action vasotonica of the splanchnic, allowing him to be able to access the teaching University in Spain, as well as took place only two years later, when he/she obtained through the corresponding opposition the Chair in human physiology of the Central University of Madridwhich had remained vacant after the death of José Gómez Ocaña. Shortly thereafter, Negrin was elected, also Secretary of the Faculty of medicine, from which developed an exceptional work.

In this decade, Negrin laboratory activities showed a progressive biochemical orientation that marginalized in some way purely physiological character studies. Thus, work on exciting glycosuria gave way to the investigations of the own Negrin about the calcemia, normal basic metabolism in Spain and the bioelements.

At the request of Lafora, Negrin led an experiment designed to put to test the Spiritism, most notably the so-called power of Jaime Argamasilla see through opaque bodies. He/She said that as a claim, it was a magnificent subject of picaresque literature, but "do not enclose for me, the less scientific interest".

The modernization of his country led Negrin to progressively engage in political activity Spanish to be elected as a Deputy to Cortes in 1931, 1933 and 1936 Republican legislatures. This definitely marked his biographical path, since the activities derived from his parliamentary post would force him to abandon almost scientific research and university teaching, what meant, therefore, resignation to its initial vocation. However, where most clearly was revealed the great executive capacity of Negrín was Secretary of the Board of the University City, which agreed after the restructuring carried out with the proclamation of the Republic in 1931 and which remained until the outbreak of the civil war in 1936. With the outbreak of the war his full dedication to the policy would acquire dyes dramatic, after taking over government functions, first as Finance Minister and then as Prime Minister until the end of the contest, as you will see below.

His work as a statesman

During the dictatorship of general Primo de Rivera, Negrin was affiliated to the workers Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE). In the elections of 1931, which inaugurated the second Republic, he/she obtained the Act of Deputy for his native city He/She was re-elected in the elections of February 1936, in which the Popular Front was the winner. Already started the Civil War, Negrín held various positions in the Republican government. In September 1936 the President of Government, Largo Caballero, entrusted the portfolio of finance, despite considering him a bourgeois intellectual little interested in the problematic social worker. In front of the Ministry of finance management was effective. He/She managed to reorganize the police, turning it into an elite corps. With respect to its strictly economic performance, his Ministry was noted for the bolder solutions to the grave situation that crossed the Republican Spain in a State of war. Tasked to negotiate the purchase of foreign weapons and adopt various measures to curb the inflationary rise. In this sense, his most questionable decision was the transfer to the Soviet Union of the gold reserves of the Bank of Spain, in Exchange for Soviet military support.

In May 1937, to submit his resignation Largo Caballero, the President of the Republic, Manuel Azaña, entrusted the formation of Government Negrin. This was surrounded by representatives of almost all the branches of the left, with the exception of the CNT, which was contrary to any collaboration with the Communists, and the UGT, rebuffed by the departure of its leader, Largo Caballero's Government. Negrin was thereby create a strong cabinet, seamless. From the beginning its measures were aimed at strengthening the status of the battered Republican troops, which promoted the war industries and limited as far as possible the duties as the Basque country and Catalonia had acquired during the war. To carry out these purposes, Negrín had the backing of Communists and Socialists.

Influenced by the Communist program, it stubbornly opposed to any possibility of a negotiated solution to the war. His Government managed to some extent strengthen the morale of the Republican side and the own Negrin coined a propaganda slogan that showed what would be your course of action: bread with or without bread, resist. The Communists - which included already the own Negrin - hoped that, over time, the Spanish conflict is confused with the European race, in which democratic Nations would be United against fascism. Negrin forced the resignation of the Socialist Indalecio Prieto, Minister of defence, accusing him of maintaining a defeatist attitude, what did not, but obey the pressure of Communist militants. Since Negrin took over the defence portfolio. Despite this strategy of resistance at all costs (largely espoused from Moscow), in May 1938 Negrín made public its thirteen points, which could be interpreted as an underhand peace offer.

On September 21 of the same year, Negrin was going to carry out a measure so risky as ineffective. Hoping that Franco's Government withdraw forces German, Italian and Moroccan who supported him, the League of Nations announced the dissolution of the international brigades. The result was disastrous, since Franco allies continued sending troops and weaponry, and the Republican Army, on the other hand, had lost one of their main attack forces. In spite of this, Negrín, at the meeting of the Cortes held in Figueras Castle, demanded that the Republican Army resist until the end, even when, on February 1, 1939, the front of Catalonia succumbed to the thrust of the Francoist troops. Days later, the own Negrin accompanied Manuel Azaña to the French border. On 9 February again crossing the border moved by plane to the area centre of Spain, where the Republican Army refused even. At that time it had still intended to prolong the war, although no one on the Republican side maintained hope in victory.

Recognition by England and France from Franco's Government dealt the coup de grace to the Spanish Republic. On February 27, 1939, Negrin gathered at the airfield of Los Llanos at the controls of the Republican Army. Among the invited were the General Miaja, Matallana, Menendez, Escobar and Bernal, the colonels married, Moriones and Camacho, and the captain Buiza. The majority opinion was the search for a negotiated peace that will prevent an even bloodier defeat. Buiza warned Negrin that the Republican Navy would not resist the enemies bombing and that, if not stop the war, would seek refuge in a foreign port. Only the general Miaja was willing to maintain the resistance. Negrin response to the attitude of the military was to promote different managers of proven loyalty Communist, as Modesto, Lister, Tagüeña, or Valentín González. These promotions, not sanctioned by the Council of Ministers, were illegal. At the head of the Estado Mayor Central, Negrin placed Segismundo Casado López. But it rebelled against the policy of the President that is creating the National Defence Council, which attempted to negotiate peace with Franco. This uprising was seconded in Madrid and Cartagena.

Finally defeated the Republican side, on March 6, 1939 Juan Negrín left Spain on a plane bound to France. He/She remained as President of the Republican government in exile until 1945. From France he/she went to Britain, where he/she continued his scientific work. He/She died in Paris in 1956.

Even the memory of which the Madrid town came to be called "doctor Negrín pills" was kept of their passage by the Republican government and the hardness of the moment, decades later. These were not other than lentils, loved and hated at the same time as they were almost the only food available during the hard period of two years and a half in which the city of Madrid was under siege. The enemies of the Republic, before and after the advent of democracy, is refieron with real rage to Negrín gold to refer to a chapter that is obscure in the history of Spain, which meant the loss of our gold reserves, handed over to the Soviet Union, partly as payment and partly as collateral, for the acquisition of weapons for the Popular Army of the Republic. About this episode, it should be noted the documentation provided at the time by one of the sons of Negrín and collected here in Appendix.

Documentary Appendix

"Thirteen points Negrin"

(Document emanating from the Council of Ministers of the Spanish Republic, met in Barcelona on April 30, 1938, which declared the end of the war. The document, which sought a negotiated peace, was released everywhere, inside and outside of Spain, and in different languages.)

1. ensure the absolute independence and total integrity of Spain, a Spain that is totally free of any foreign interference, whatever its character and origin with its peninsular territory and possessions intact and safe from any attempt of dismemberment, alienation or mortgage, retaining the protectorate areas allocated to Spain by international conventions, while these conventions not be modified with his speech and assent. Aware of the ancient duties to its tradition and its history, Spain will strengthen other countries links that imposes a common root of universal consciousness that has always characterized our pueblo.2. Release of our territory of foreign military forces that have invaded it, as well as those elements that have come to Spain from July 1936 with the pretext of a technical collaboration that involved or try to dominate in own legal life and economic espanola.3. People's Republic represented by a vigorous state that sits on principles of pure democracy, which exert their action through a Government endowed with full authority that confers voting citizen issued by universal suffrage and is the symbol of an Executive firm, dependent at all times guidelines and designs which the people espanol.4 mark. The social and legal structure of the Republic will be work of the freely expressed national will through a referendum which will take place as soon finished the fight, with fullness of guarantees, without restrictions or limitations, and to ensure to all those on it take part against any possible represalia.5. Respect to regional freedoms, without prejudice to the Spanish Unit protection and promotion of the development of the personality and peculiarity of the various peoples that make up Spain, as imposed it a right and historical fact that, far from meaning a disintegration of the nation, constitute the best welding between elements that the integran.6. The Spanish State will guarantee the fullness of the rights to the citizen in civil and social life, freedom of conscience, and ensures the free exercise of the beliefs and practices religiosos.7. The State shall guarantee the legal and legitimate property acquired within the limits that impose the Supreme National interest and the protection of the producing elements. Without loss of individual initiative, it will prevent the accumulation of wealth that can produce the exploitation of the citizen and cherish the collectivity, distorting the coordinating action of the State in economic and social life. To this end, it will take care of the development of the small property, will ensure the family heritage, and all steps that lead you to an economic, moral and racial improvement of the producing classes will encourage. The property and the legitimate interests of foreigners will be respected and will be reviewed, with a view to compensation that apply, the damages inventaridados caused in the course of the war. For the study of such damage, the Government of the Republic created already the Commission's claims Extranjeras.8. Deep agrarian reform which settled the old aristocratic semi-feudal property which, lacking human, rational and economic, sense has always been the greatest obstacle to the development of the country's great potential. Seat of the new Spain on a wide and solid peasant democracy, owner of the land and of the trabaja.9. The State shall guarantee the rights of the work through advanced social legislation, in accordance with the specific needs of life and the economy espanola.10. Primary and basic concern of the State will be improving cultural, physical and moral of the raza.11. The Spanish army, at the service of the same nation, will be free from any tendency to party hegemony, and the people are to see in him the safe instrument for the defense of their freedoms and their independencia.12. The Spanish State reaffirms the constitutional doctrine of renouncing war as an instrument of national policy. Spain, faithful to the Covenants and treaties, will support symbolized policy at the League of Nations, which is to always preside over its rules. It confirms and maintains the rights of the Spanish State and claims a place in the concert of Nations, as a Mediterranean power, always willing to collaborate in the strengthening of collective security and the general defense of the country. To contribute effectively to this policy, Spain will develop and intensify all their possibilities for defensa.13. Broad amnesty for all Spaniards wishing to cooperate for the intense work of reconstruction and aggrandizement of Spain. After a struggle cruenta as which bloodies our land, which have revived the old virtues of heroism and idealism of the race, commits a crime of high treason to the destinations of our country who do not repima and smother the idea of revenge and retaliation, for the sake of common action of sacrifice and work that we are obliged to carry out all of his children in the future of Spain.

"Negrin gold"

In Paris, eighteen of December one thousand nine hundred fifty and six. To me, Enrique Pérez-Hernández and Moreno, Deputy consul of Spain in notarial functions by delegation of the his Excellency Mr. consul general of Spain in Paris, brought Don Rómulo Negrín Mijailov, greater age, married, engineer, accidental, domiciled in Paris, Avenue Henri Martin, 78A, and EXPOSES that, desiring to fulfill the will of his late father, don Juan Negrín and López, repeatedly exposed to the appearing party, and people of their privacy, wishes to make delivery, as it does, to the State Attorney, legal adviser of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Spain, don Antonio Melchor de las Heras, of all documents work in power said his father, don Juan Negrín and López, relating to Spanish gold deposit, in the boxes of the Bank of Spain in Madrid, which was delivered in trust for the people's Commissariat of making of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

The Lord appearing delivered in this Act a document written in French and signed in Moscow by the people programme developer and finance and of Foreign Affairs, Mr. g. f. Grinko and N. N. Krestinsky, and don Marcelino Pascua, as well as the original Decree of 13 September my nine hundred thirty-six, signed by don Manuel Azaña. It also delivered the rest of the documentation related to this topic, foliated personally by the appearing party and including number one to the one hundred and sixty eight.

Delivered this documentation the Lord appearing by record you as well running the will of his late father, don Juan Negrín and López, who understood that exceptional importance and national interest should be held by the Spanish State. Also you want to put on record the Lord appearing that the will of his late father, don Juan Negrín and López, was to facilitate the exercise of the actions that the Spanish State may apply for a refund of the cited gold to Spain in relation to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

Thus the Lord puts it appearing, and read that was for me this affidavit for appearance and delivery of documents previously specified to the State Attorney, legal adviser of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Spain, don Antonio Melchor de las Heras, by having renounced their rights to do so itself, confirms in its content and the firm with me. I attest. Meet the Lord appearing personally, I bear witness. Rómulo Negrín. Before me, Enrique Pérez-Hernández.



"Metode senzill per to the determination of the content of matter chromaffin in capsules les suprarrenals", in works of the society of biology, no. 2. (1914, pp. 123-125 en colaboración con Th. von Brücke). "Regulation of vegetative life", in the Sun. (Madrid 1918). "View doctor Negrín", in the Sun. (Madrid, 1926). ""On the mechanism of experimental diabetes caused by puncture of the fourth ventricle, in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, year I, vol. i. (pp.147-149 1911)."Zur Frage nach der genese der Piqûre-Glykosurie, in Archiv für die gesamte Physiologie, no. 114. (pp. 311-3181912). ""Studies concerning the receptive substance" (previous note), in works of the Catalan society of biology, vol. V. (pp. 178-188, 1917). "The estalagmografo. "A device to register in a system of coordinates the flow of a liquid falling drops", in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, year IX, vol. VIII. (pp. 60-67, 1920). The vascular tone and the mechanism of action of the splanchnic vasotonica. (Madrid Impr. (Clásica Española, 1922). "The role of the adrenes in the glucosurias of bulbar origin", in book in honor of D. Santiago Ramón y Cajal. Original works of their admirers and disciples, vol. II. (Madrid Jiménez and Molina printers, 1922, pp. (577-608). "No amplifier direct myograph of rectilinear front inscription, in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, vol. XI, Quincy "II. (pp. 231-233, 1925-1926a)."A new estalamografo", in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, vol. XI, Quincy II. (pp. 233-234, 1926b).

NEGRÍN LÓPEZ, j. and HERNÁNDEZ GUERRA, j. D. "The action of the piqûre on blood pressure" (previous note), in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, year VIII, t. VII. (pp. 56-64, 1918-1919a).--: "studies on the receptive substance, II. The mechanism of the vasoconstrictor action of the barium chloride and the action of curare and nicotine on the vessels", in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, year VIII, t. VII. (151-171, 1919b).NEGRÍN LÓPEZ, j. and SOPEÑA BONCOMPTE, j. "The content after the piqûre adrenal adrenalina", in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, year X, Quincy III. (pp. 71-74, 1923).NEGRÍN LÓPEZ, j. and VON BRUCKE, th. "Eine enfache Methode zur guests des Gehaltes von Nebennieren an Chromaffiner Substanz", in Zeitschrift für biologisches Technik und Methodik, vol. 3. (pp. 311-314, 1912-1914a).--: "Mètode Senzill per to the determination of the content of matter chromaffin in les capsules suprarrenals", in works of the Catalan society of biology, vol. 12. (pp. 123-125, 1914b).--: "Zur Frage nach der Bedeutung des Sympathicus für den Tonus der Skelettmuskulatur", in Archiv für die gesamte Physiologie, no. 114. (pp. 55-64, 1916-1917).SOPENA BONCOMPTE, j. and NEGRÍN LÓPEZ, j. "hyperglycemia adrenaline in tiroidectomizados animals", in Bulletin of the society Spanish of biology, vol. X, Quincy III. (pp. 74-79, 1923).SACRISTAN GUTIERREZ, J. M. and NEGRÍN LÓPEZ, j. "Action of nicotine on blood glucose", in Bulletin of the Spanish society of biology, year VIII, t. VII. (pp. 56-64, 1918).


ANSO, Mariano. I was Minister of Negrín. (Barcelona, 1976).GALLEGO FERNÁNDEZ, a. "The physiologist Juan Negrín", in proceedings of the XXIII Congress national of the Spanish society of physiological Sciences. (University of La Laguna Tenerife, 1988, pp. (13-18).JACKSON, Gabriel. The Spanish Republic and the Civil War, 1931-1939. 4th Edition (Barcelona, 1982).JACKSON, Gabriel and ALBA, Víctor. Juan Negrín. (Barcelona Ediciones B, 2004).LAFORA, Gonzalo R.: "the Congress International of Physiology in Paris", the Sun, August 10, 1920.maranon, Gregorio: Obras Completas, vol. II, Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1968, pp. 35, 53.MARICHAL, Juan: "Science and politics: the historical significance of the doctor Negrín", triumph, June 22, 1974--: "Negrín", in the intellectual and policy. (Madrid Pubs. the Residencia de Estudiantes, CSIC, pp. 83-106, 1990).PUCHE ALVAREZ, j.: "Juan Negrín", Science (Mexico), 17 (1957), 109-112.rodriguez QUIROGA, to. Dr. Juan Negrín and its school of Physiology. Juan Negrín López (1892-1956). A scientific biography [unpublished doctoral thesis]. (Madrid Universidad Complutense).--: "Juan Negrín López (1892-1956)." His scientific and University work (1892-1936) ", in Asclepius, vol. XLVI, Quincy" I (pp. 157-176, 1994)--: "Contribution to the introduction of the experimental Physiology in Spain of the laboratory of General Physiology of the Board for extension of studies (1916-1936)" in: ARQUIOLA, e. & MARTINEZ PEREZ, j. "Science expanding. Studies on the diffusion of the scientific and medical ideas in Spain (siglos XVIII - XX) ", in Complutenses books of history of medicine and science, no. 3." (pp. 403-420, 1995--: "Juan López Negrín (1892-1956): scientist and statesman", in system, no 129.) (pp. 79-94, 1995)--: "Juan López Negrín (1892-1956)." The culmination of the process of renewal of the teaching of Physiology in Spain", in medicine and history, no. 63. (pp. 1-16, 1996)--: "Juan Negrín, physiologist, in Arbor, vol. CLXVIII, no. 608. (pp. 73-95, 1996)--: "The work University of Juan Negrín", in Bulletin of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza, no. 26. (pp. 39-48, 1997)--: "of experimental physiology to the cultivation of modern biochemistry: the school of Physiology of Juan Negrín", in Arbor, vol. CLXI, no. 634. (pp. 121-140, 1998).


The Huichol say that, for the most part, they originated in the state of San Luis Potosí, as well as in other parts of Mexico and the United States. Once yearly, some Huichol journey back to San Luís, their ancestral homeland to perform "Mitote" Peyote (Hikuri, in Wixarika) ceremonies. "This ancient tribe is located deep in the mountains of central Mexico. have lived here for at least 15,000 years according to carbon dating of the ashes from their sacred fireplaces." [2]

The three main Huichol communities belong to the municipality of Mezquitic, Jalisco and are called San Sebastián Teponohuastlan (Wautüa in Huichol), Santa María Cuexcomatitlán (Tuapuri in Huichol) and San Andrés Cohamiata (Tatei Kié in Huichol). Other Wixarika communities include Guadalupe Ocotán (in Nayarit), and Santa Catarina and Tuxpán de Bolaños in Jalisco. Some 13,000 live in other places within Mexico and the United States (California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas). Still others live in La Sierra de La Yesca. [3]

The Wixárika arrived in the Bolaños Canyon region after the arrival of the Tepehuanes. There are numerous theories among anthropologists and historians about the timing of the arrival of this ethnic group in the region, but according to Wixárika oral history, when they arrived in the region they currently consider home, the region was already inhabited by another ethnic group. Tepecano oral history also confirms that villages currently inhabited by Wixárika, such as Santa Catarina, were Tepecano villages in the past. [4] In addition, there exist no stories of conquest or domination of the Wixárika by the Tepecanos in regarding the origin of Wixárika is that they come from the region of San Luis Potosí and that before their migration to the Bolaños Canyon region, they considered themselves part of the Guachichil ethnic group. Central to the traditional religion of the Wixárika is the gathering of hikuri (a hallucinogenic cactus) in the place that they call Wirikuta, that is located in the region of Real de Catorce in the state of San Luis Potosí. Hikuri does not grow in the region of Wixárika, but it is abundant in San Luis Potosí, territory that was at the center of the dominion of the Guachichiles before the arrival of the Spaniards. The Guachichiles were known to be bellicose and fiercely defensive of their territory. [5] It is unlikely that the Guachichiles would have let the Wixárika pass peacefully through their territory to gather peyote unless they recognized them as part of their own ethnic group. This is confirmed by oral history of Wixárika, [6] as well as the similarity between the language of Wixárika and the extinct language of the Guachichiles compared to their present neighbors, the Cora. [7]

Historical documents indicate that during the 16th century, the Wixárika had already arrived in the region that is today northern Jalisco. The writings of Alonso Ponce, that date from the year 1587, indicate that the province of Tepeque was inhabited by an ethnic group who used to unite with the Guachichiles to carry out attacks and incursions on Spanish settlements and caravans. [8] The Spaniards who explored the region that later became Jerez wrote that they were groups of Guachichiles in the region that had pushed out the Zacatecas that had previously resided there. [9] Through this historical evidence one can postulate that the Wixárika arrived in the Bolaños Canyon region around the same time as the Spaniards. The arrival of the Spaniards in territories of the Guachichiles in Zacatecas and San Luis Potosí had certainly brought epidemics to the indigenous communities whose members had no resistance to the diseases of Europe. In addition, those natives who did not die of the epidemics suffered due to the concentrations and encomiendas carried out by the Spaniards in order to work the recently discovered mines of the region. These experiences are also documented in the oral history of wixaritari. [10]

The Wixárika arrived in the Bolaños Canyon region looking for refuge and settled among the Tepecano settlements that already existed there. It is likely that there was mixing among the ethnic groups, as is evidenced by the many traditions, rituals (as the one of the use of chimales, or woods of oration, and the use of peyote in their ceremonies) shared among the groups. It is clear that the two ethnic groups would unite under a single leader to defend themselves from Spanish incursions and to mount rebellions against the Spanish colonial government. There is historical evidence of a rebellion mounted jointly by the two ethnic groups in El Teúl in 1592 [11] and another one in Nostic in 1702.

The Huichol language, Wixarika, is a Uto-Aztecan language (Corachol branch) related to Cora. Huichol words conform to four patterns according to their inflection: type I words, principally verbs, are inflected for person and mode, and type II words, principally nouns, are capable of being inflected for number and possession. Type III words include quantifiers and are inflected for case and optionally for gender and person. Type IV words are uninflected. [12] Huichol major sentence types include transitive, intransitive, complemented transitive, and complemented. Complemented sentences contain object-like constituents, termed complements. True objects do not stand in cross reference with any affix in the verbal. Complements include quotative phrases and direct objects of double transitive sentences. Huichol minor sentence types are vocatives and exclamations. [12]

In summer, when the rains come, they live on their ranchos (farms) in tiny rancherias (hamlets) and make cheese from the milk from their cattle, which they slaughter and eat usually only during celebrations. [13] For the most part, their diet consists of tortillas, made from the Blue, Red, Yellow or White "Sacred corn," beans, rice and pasta, the occasional chicken or pig (from which they make "chicharrones"), chili peppers, supplemented with wild fruits and vegetables of the region, such as "colorines", a legume gathered from trees, or "ciruelas" (wild plums) and guayabas (guavas).

Marriages are arranged by the parents when the children are very young. Huichol usually marry between the ages of fourteen and seventeen. Extended Huichol families live together in rancho settlements. These small communities consist of individual houses which belong to a nuclear family. Each settlement has a communal kitchen and the family shrine, called a xiriki, which is dedicated to the ancestors of the rancho. The buildings surround a central patio. The individual houses are traditionally built of stone or adobe with grass-thatched roofs.

A district of related ranchos is known as a temple district. [14] Temple districts are all members of a larger community district. Each community district is ruled by a council of kawiterutsixi, elder men who are usually also shamans.

Crafts of the Huichol include embroidery, beadwork, sombreros (hats), archery equipment, prayer arrows, and weaving, as well as "cuchuries", woven or embroidered bags.

The Huichol seek autonomy in their land, but have two governments, one native to the Huichol and one answering to the Mexican Government through "Municipal Agents" in the larger settlements. The government has established schools without much success in the Huichol Zone during the last 40 years, both church and state. A private Junior High School has led to some friction between "Town" and "Gown" among members of the tribe. Friction also exists between converts to Christianity, the scorned "aleluyas," and followers of the old religion, which means the evangelicals and their missions are barely tolerated.

With the building of roads in the Huichol Zone in the last ten years [ when? ] , new influences are impacting the social fabric of the Huichol. Where mules, horses and burros used to be the main forms of transport, trucks are becoming more prominent, importing food, medicines and beer. Although this of course can be beneficial, it was also degrading to the culture as a whole. [ speculation? ] In 1986, the Huichols continued to live isolated lives very traditionally in every aspect, but since this contact from within their own country, they have had to adapt and change to be more modern. [15]

Their religion consists of four principal deities: the trinity of Corn, Blue Deer and Peyote, and the Eagle, all descended from their Sun God, "Tao Jreeku". Most Huichols retain the traditional beliefs and are resistant to change.

  • The "Huichol think that two opposed cosmic forces exist in the world : an igneous one represented by Tayaupá, "Our Father" the Sun, and an aquatic one, represented by Nacawé, the Rain Goddess". [16] "The eagle-stars, our Father's luminous creatures, hurl themselves into the lagoons and . Nacawé's water serpents . rise into the skies to shape the clouds". [17]
  • "According to Huichol [belief], the Sun created earthly beings with his saliva, which appeared in the shape of red foam on the surface of the ocean's waves." [18] "New things are born from "hearts" or essences, which the Huichol see in the red sea foam that flowed from Our Father the Sun . . The Sun itself has a "heart" that is its forerunner. It adopts the shape of a bird, the tau kúkai. The bird came out of the underworld and placed a cross on the ocean. Father Sun was born, climbed up the cross, . in this way killing the world's darkness with his blows". [19]
  • "Kacíwalí is . maize goddess. The wind carried her to the top of a mountain, which was given to her as a dwelling". [20] "Kacíwalí's rain serpents are changed into fish". [21]
  • "Komatéame is . goddess . of midwives. Both she and Otuanáka [another goddess] have tiny children in human shape, male and female". [22] "Stuluwiákame has the responsibility to give humans children, and Na'alewáemi . gives animals their young". [23]
  • Tatéi Kükurü 'Uimari . Our Mother Dove Girl, who was also mother of the boy who became the Sun. [24]
  • Tatéi Wérika . associated with the Sun and often depicted as a two-headed eagle. [24]
  • Tatéi Niwetükame . patroness of children, who determines the sex of a child before it is born and gives it its soul (kupuri). [24]

Peyote Edit

Like many indigenous American groups, Huichols have traditionally used the peyote (hikuri) cactus in religious rituals. Huichol practices seem to reflect pre-Columbian practices particularly accurately. These rituals involve singing, weeping, and contact with ancestor spirits. "It is Wirikuta, where the Huichol go each year to collect peyote." [25] "Before reaching Wirikúta, their final destination, they pass by the sacred springs of Tatéi Matiniéri ("Where Our Mother Lives"), the house of the eastern rain goddess. They cross steppes. The first one is the Cloud Gate the second, Where the Clouds Open." [26] This pilgrimage takes place annually as a desire to return to where life originated and heal oneself. The Huichols assume roles of gods along the trail that they usually take by foot. Upon arrival in Wirikuta, the hunt begins and the first cactus that is found is shared among everyone. Then they harvest enough peyote for the year (since they only make the trip one time every year). After the work is done, they eat enough peyote (a hallucinogen) to have visions. Because of the visions and effects of the plant, the shaman is alleged by the Huichols to be able to speak to the gods and ensure the regeneration of the Huichols' souls. [27]

Mexican government protection Edit

Huichol rituals involve the hallucinogenic cactus known as peyote. Due to the desire to use this traditional plant recreationally, the Mexican government, with the help of international organizations, has input laws allowing for its use in religious practices only and any other use or possession can be a crime worthy of ten to twenty-five years in prison. [28] It has gotten harder and harder for the indigenous to find their sacred plant and they have had to ask for intervention from the Mexican government to protect a section of their trail. As stated by Pedro Medellin, the head of a government study on peyote population in Huichol sacred areas, "If peyote disappears, then their whole culture disappears." [29]

Animism Edit

Huichols have traditionally believed that in rituals they interact with the primal ancestor spirits of fire, deer, and other elements of the natural world. "A newborn, separated from its umbilical cord, will still have . the agave plant where the cord was buried. When children grow up they need to obtain cuttings from their protector so that they can bury their children's umbilical cords under them". [30] The "Huichol . keep . the souls of ancestors who have returned to the world in the shape of rock crystals." [31]

In traditional Huichol communities, an important ritual artifact is the nieli'ka: a small square or round tablet with a hole in the center covered on one or both sides with a mixture of beeswax and pine resin into which threads of yarn are pressed. Nieli'kas are found in most Huichol sacred places such as house shrines (xiriki), temples, springs, and caves.

In the past thirty years, about four thousand Huichols have migrated to cities, primarily Tepic, Nayarit, Guadalajara and Mexico City. It is these urbanized Huichols who have drawn attention to their rich culture through their art. To preserve their ancient beliefs they have begun making detailed and elaborate yarn paintings, a development and modernization of the nieli'ka.

For the Huichol however, yarn painting is not only an aesthetic or commercial art form the symbols in these paintings are sprung out of Huichol culture and its shamanistic traditions. From the small beaded eggs and jaguar heads to the modern detailed yarn paintings in psychedelic colors, each is related to a part of Huichol tradition and belief. In more modern times they have been able to develop these art forms in ways they could not before. The colors and intricacy of the yarn and materials for beads are more readily available to make more detailed and colorful pieces of art. Previously, beaded art was made with bone, seeds, jade, ceramics, or other like materials when now the Huichols have access to glass beads of multiple colors. The modern yarn that Huichols use is woven much tighter and is thinner allowing for great detail and the colors are commercial allowing for much more variety. Before access to these materials in cities, Huichols used vegetable dyes. [32]

The first large yarn paintings were exhibited in Guadalajara in 1962 which were simple and traditional. At present with the availability of a larger spectrum of commercial dyed and synthetic yarn, more finely spun yarn paintings have evolved into high quality works of art.

The beaded art is a relatively new innovation and is constructed using glass, plastic or metal beads pressed onto a wooden form covered in beeswax. Common bead art forms include masks, bowls and figurines. Like all Huichol art, the bead work depicts the prominent patterns and symbols featured in the Huichol religion.

Some Huichol shaman-artists have acquired some fame and commercial success: the acclaimed Huichol yarn painter José Benítez Sánchez has had an exposition of his works in the USA.

Religious freedom Edit

Wixaritari are relatively well known among anthropologists for their long tradition of rejecting Catholic influences and continuing traditional Shamanistic practices. [33] Indeed, Wixaritari, along with the Lacandons and other ethnic minorities in the country, have fought for their religious and cultural freedom since the arrival of the Spanish conquerors. [34] [35] [36] These ethnic minorities are often portrayed as non-existent or as extremely marginal due to the stereotype of indigenous people in Mexico as fervent Roman Catholics. Wixarika people have also been victims of discrimination, [37] indigenous rights violations [38] and even been stripped of their lands on the grounds of not sharing the same religious faith. Since a couple of decades ago, Wixarika culture has seen the increasing influence of United States evangelical Protestants who, by building churches and helping the community financially, have made their way into Wixarika traditions.

Environmental impacts Edit

Mining Edit

Currently, one of their sacred mountains, Cerro Quemado (Leunaxü), important in ceremonial migration, peyote hunt, and deer dances, is being purchased for silver mining by a Canadian mining company, First Majestic Silver. [39] On October 27, 2000 United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) claimed this site as a protected area for its importance as a cultural route and endemic flora and fauna species. Before a gathering of 60,000 people at Wirikuta Fest on May 26, 2012, First Majestic silver announced it had returned some of their mining concessions to the national mining reserve to protect Wirikuta, but the Wixarika Regional Council expose this as a farce. [40] Later on June 9, 2001 it was declared as a National Sacred Site under the State of San Luis Potosi's Natural Protection act. Canada's First Majestic Silver Corp still decided to purchase mineral rights on November 13, 2009 with 80% of their interest within the protected land.

The company's current methods includes open pit mining and lixiviation through cyanide, using two kilograms of NaCN per tonne of ore. While open pit mining itself removes entire habitats and landscapes, the addition of sodium cyanide, NaCN, is a lethal method requiring only 0.2 grams to kill a person. [39] In April, 2010 the company also opened a new cyanidation plant in Coahuila, Mexico where it has started producing 3500 tons of cyanide a day to help them expand their mining efforts. [41] Currently [ when? ] the Huicholes are trying to find outside groups to help them in the conservation of their land and culture by protecting this mountain, as well as appealing to the President to honor his agreement to protect their holy sites. [42]

Roads Edit

Besides the mining conflicts, the Wixarika community has faced further problems by the construction of a road in Jalisco during 2008. [43] [44] The community has made it clear that the persons involved in the project don't have any rights to use Wixarika lands for whatever end hence, they are committing violation of internationally recognized indigenous rights.


Restoration regime Edit

The PSOE was founded by Pablo Iglesias on 2 May 1879 in the Casa Labra tavern in Tetuán Street near the Puerta del Sol at the centre of Madrid. [13] [14] Iglesias was a typesetter who had become in contact in the past with the Spanish section of the International Workingmen's Association and with Paul Lafargue. [14] The first program of the new political party was passed in an assembly of 40 people on 20 July of that same year. The bulk of the growth of the PSOE and its affiliated trade union, the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) was chiefly restricted to the Madrid-Biscay-Asturias triangle up until the 1910s. [15] The obtaining of a seat at the Congress by Pablo Iglesias at the 1910 Spanish general election in which the PSOE candidates presented within the broad Republican–Socialist Conjunction became a development of great symbolical transcendence and gave the party more publicity at the national level. [16]

The PSOE and the UGT took a leading role in the general strike of August 1917 in the context of the events leading to the Spanish crisis of 1917 during the conservative government of Eduardo Dato. The strike was crushed by the army with the result of further undermining of the constitutional order. [17] The members of the organizing committee (Julián Besteiro, Francisco Largo Caballero, Daniel Anguiano and Andrés Saborit) were accused of sedition and sentenced to life imprisonment. [18] Sent to the prison of Cartagena, [18] they were released a year later after being elected to the Cortes in the 1918 Spanish general election. During the 1919−1921 crisis of the socialist internationals, the party experienced tensions between the members endorsing the Socialist International and the advocates for joining the Communist International. Two consecutive splits of dissidents willing to join the Communist International, namely the Spanish Communist Party in 1920 [19] and the Spanish Communist Workers' Party in 1921, [20] broke away from the PSOE and soon merged to create the Communist Party of Spain (PCE). The PSOE was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1923 and 1940. [21]

After the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925, Julián Besteiro replaced him as president of both the PSOE and the UGT. During the 1923–1930 dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, corporatist PSOE and UGT elements were willing to engage into limited collaboration with the regime, against the political stance defended by other socialists such as Indalecio Prieto and Fernando de los Ríos, who instead advocated a closer collaboration with republican forces. [22] The last years of the dictatorship saw a divergence emerge among the corporatist which was personified in Francisco Largo Caballero, who began to endorse the rapport with bourgeois republicans and Julián Besteiro, who continued to show great distrust towards them. [23] Besteiro's refusal to participate in the Revolutionary Committee led to his resignation as president both of the party and the trade union in February 1931. [24] He was replaced as president of the party by Remigio Cabello. [25]

Second Republic and Civil War Edit

After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic on 14 April 1931, three PSOE members were included in the cabinet of the provisional government, namely Indalecio Prieto (Finance), Fernando de los Ríos (Education) and Francisco Largo Caballero (Labour). The socialist presence remained in the rest of cabinets of the Social-Azañist Biennium (1931–1933).

After the November 1933 general election which marked a win for the centre-right forces in a climate of increasing polarization and growing unemployment, along with a desire to make amends for the mistake of not having sided with the republicans in the election against the united right, Largo Caballero adopted a revolutionary rhetoric, calling for violent revolution and a transitionary dictatorship of the proletariat. [26] [27] Indalecio Prieto had also participated in the increasingly aggressive rhetoric, having already condemned the heavy-hand repression of the December 1933 largely anarchist uprising by the government, that has been cheered on by the CEDA leaders on parliament. [28] The Socialist Youth of Spain (JSE) also engaged into a shrilling revolutionary rhetoric while Besteiro firmly opposed the insurrectionary drift of the militancy. [29]

The formation of a new cabinet that included CEDA ministers in October 1934 was perceived among the left as a reaction, [30] with the CEDA party being indistinguishable from contemporary fascism to most workers [31] while CEDA leader Gil-Robles had advocated the establishment of a corporative state already in the 1933 electoral campaign. [32] The UGT called for a nationwide general strike for 5 October which developed into a full-blown insurrection (the Revolution of 1934) in the mining region of Asturias which was vocally supported by socialists such as Largo Caballero and Prieto. After the end of the revolt, whose repression was entrusted to Generals Francisco Franco and Manuel Goded, most PSOE and UGT leaders were jailed. [33]

A growing rift between Prieto and Largo Caballero (with disparate views of politics, albeit sharing a general pragmatist approach) formed in 1935 while Besteiro's hold on the party diminished significantly. [34] Followers of Indalecio Prieto would ultimately become "estranged from the party left". [35] The PSOE formed part of the broad left-wing Popular Front electoral coalition that stood for election in the 1936 Spanish general election and achieved a victory in seats over the right.

In September 1936, a few months into the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), a cabinet presided over by Largo Caballero was formed (he also held the functions of Minister of War). In November, Largo Caballero succeeded in bringing some CNT members into his government. The left socialist caballeristas were revolutionary in rhetoric, although in reality they proposed moderate reformist policies while in government. [35] The May Days of 1937 in Barcelona destabilised the government which was replaced by a new cabinet led by Juan Negrín, another socialist.

Clandestinity and exile Edit

With the PSOE reduced to clandestinity during the Francoist dictatorship, its members were persecuted, with many leaders, members and supporters being imprisoned or exiled and even executed. Among others, the aging and ill Julián Besteiro, who preferred to stay in Spain over exile, died in a Francoist prison in 1940. Julián Zugazagoitia, government minister in 1937–1938, was captured in exile by the Gestapo, handed over to Spain and executed in 1940. The party was legalized again only in 1977 during the Spanish transition to democracy.

Disputes between the followers of Indalecio Prieto (who had exiled to Mexico) and Juan Negrín over the political strategy of the Republican government in exile soon arose. Negrín, whose 1937–1939 spell at the government in wartime was seen negatively by large elements of both caballerista and prietista extraction, had become vilified. [36] The party was re-organized along new lines in 1944 in the 1st Congress in Exile that took place in Toulouse and in which Rodolfo Llopis became the party's new Secretary-General. [37]

The PSOE congresses in exile during the post-war period were marked by strong anti-communist positions as a reflection of how the exiles remembered the last events of the Civil War (which featured bitter strifes with the communists) and in line with the stance of other parties of the Socialist International during the Cold War, neglecting any kind of rapprochement with the Spanish Communist Party (PCE). [38] The relative void left in Spain by the PSOE, with a Toulouse-based direction lacking in dynamism and innovation, was filled by the PCE and other new clandestine organizations such as the Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU), the Popular Liberation Front (FELIPE) or later the Enrique Tierno Galván's Socialist Party of the Interior. [39] The Toulouse executive board became increasingly detached from the party in Spain in the 1960s an insurmountable chasm between the former and the party in the interior was already defined by 1972. [40]

Return to democracy (1974–present) Edit

González leadership (1974–1996) Edit

The 25th party congress was held in Toulouse in August 1972. In 1974, Felipe González was elected Secretary-General at the 26th party congress in Suresnes, replacing Llopis. González was from the reform wing of the party and his victory signaled a defeat for the historic and veteran wing of the party. The direction of the PSOE shifted from the exiles to the young people in Spain who had not fought the war. [11] Llopis led a schism to form the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (historic). González showed intentions to move the party away from its Marxist and socialist background, turning the PSOE into a social-democratic party, similar to those of the rest of western Europe. In 1977, the PSOE became the unofficial opposition leading party with 29.2% of the vote and 118 seats in the Cortes Generales (which until then it had been the PCE, leading more aggressively among a larger representation of underground parties since the last free popular vote during the Civil War on Republican territory). Their standing was further boosted in 1978 when the Popular Socialist Party agreed to merge into the PSOE.

At the 27th party congress in May 1979, González resigned because the party would not abandon its Marxist character. In September of that year, the extraordinary 28th congress was called in which González was re-elected when the party agreed to move away from Marxism. Western European social-democratic parties supported González's stand and the Social Democratic Party of Germany granted them money. PSOE party symbol was changed from the anvil with the book to the social-democratic rose in the fist as used by the French Socialist Party. In the 1978 Spanish constitutional referendum, the PSOE supported the Spanish constitution which was approved. In the 1979 Spanish general election, the PSOE gained 30.5% of the vote and 121 seats, remaining the main opposition party. In the 1982 Spanish general election, the PSOE was victorious with 48.1% of the vote (10,127,392 total). González became Prime Minister of Spain on 2 December, a position he held until May 1996.

Although the party had opposed NATO, most party leaders supported keeping Spain inside the organisation after reaching the government. The González administration organised a referendum on the question in 1986, calling for a favourable vote, and won. The administration was criticised for avoiding the official names of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and NATO, using the unofficial Atlantic Alliance terms. A symbol of this U-turn is Javier Solana who campaigned against NATO but ended up years later as its Secretary General. The PSOE supported the United States in the Gulf War (1991). PSOE won the 1986, 1989 and 1993 general elections. Under the Gonzalez administration, public expenditure on education, health, and pensions rose in total by 4.1 points of the country's GDP between 1982 and 1992. [41]

Economic crisis and state terrorism (GAL) against the violent separatist group ETA eroded the popularity of González. In the 1996 Spanish general election, the PSOE lost to the conservative People's Party (PP) (PP). Between 1996 and 2001, the PSOE weathered a crisis, with Gonzalez resigning in 1997. The PSOE suffered a heavy defeat in the 2000 Spanish general election, with 34.7% of the popular votes. However, the PSOE remained as the ruling party in the autonomous communities of Andalusia, Asturias, Castilla-La Mancha and Extremadura.

Zapatero and Rabalcaba leadership (2000–2014) Edit

In 2000, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero was elected as the new Secretary-General, renewing the party. Later, the PSOE won the 2003 Spanish local elections. The PSOE strongly opposed the Iraq War which was supported by the Aznar government.

In the 2003 Catalan regional election, the PSOE's Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) increased its vote total, but ended up in second place after Convergence and Union. After a period of negotiations, the party formed a pact with the Initiative for Catalonia Greens, the Republican Left of Catalonia and the United and Alternative Left, governing Catalonia until 2010.

In the 2004 Spanish general election, the PSOE won with almost 43% of the votes following the 11-M terrorist (11 March) attacks. It was alleged that the PSOE, with the help of the national newspaper El Pais, did not observe the "reflection journey" which forbade political parties from trying to sway public opinion (forbidden by Spanish law), calling the opposing political party "assassins" and blaming the terrorist attack on them. The PSOE maintained their lead in the 2004 European Parliament election. [42] [43]

In 2005, the PSOE called for a yes vote on the European Constitution. The PSOE also favoured the negotiations between the government and the ETA during the 2006 cease-fire which had a de facto end with the Barajas Airport terrorist attack. In the 2008 Spanish general election, the PSOE won again, with Zapatero remaining Prime Minister. The PSOE increased their share of seats in the Congress of Deputies from 164 to 169 after the latest election.

After waning popularity throughout their second term, mainly due to their handling of the worsening economic climate in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, the PSOE was defeated in the 2011 Spanish general election by the conservative People's Party. [ citation needed ] Shortly after, an extraordinary congress was held in which Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, former Deputy to Zapatero and Minister of the Interior, was elected Secretary-General defeating Carme Chacón, the other candidate, who stood for the Zapatero platform. This victory caused huge internal divisions and weakened the party's external image.

In 2013, the PSOE held a political conference which introduced a completely new platform, widely seen as a move to the left in an attempt to regain votes from parties such as the United Left, whose popularity rose steadily due to the general discontent with the two-party system and spending cuts. That platform was the basis for the 2014 European Parliament election manifesto, promoted as a solid alternative to the conservative plan for Europe. The expectations inside the party which chose Elena Valenciano as their election candidate were optimistic, but the PSOE suffered another defeat due to the appearance of new parties such as Podemos which managed to gain the support of left-wing voters, with PSOE winning 14 seats. Shortly thereafter, Rubalcaba resigned as Secretary-General and an Extraordinary Congress was convoked.

Sanchez leadership (since 2014) Edit

This party congress was the first to use a primary election system with three candidates, namely Pedro Sánchez, Eduardo Madina and José Antonio Pérez Tapias. Sánchez was elected with 49% of the vote of the affiliates and therefore became Secretary-General on 27 July 2014.

In the 2015 Spanish municipal elections, the PSOE won 25% of the vote, one of its worst results in since the restoration of democracy. Together with the fall of the People's Party which won 27% of votes, it meant the end of the two-party system in Spain in favor of new parties. The PSOE alone lost 943 councilors. The 2015 Spanish general election produced an hung parliament broken into four major parties. Due to the large increase for parties such as Podemos (left) and Citizens (centre-right), the PSOE got about 20% of the vote, its worst result since democracy was restored. The parliament was so fragmented, no government could be formed and six months later new elections were held. The 2016 Spanish general election resulted in the PSOE losing a further five seats despite gaining 0.6% of the vote (still the party's second-worst popular vote total after 2015 since the restoration of democracy), leaving the party with 85 seats in the parliament, their lowest total since the restoration of democracy and the fewest since the 1933 in Republican Spain left the party with 59 seats in the 473-member parliament.

With the exception of the 2015 Andalusian regional election, elections held during the early leadership of Sánchez were losses for the PSOE. In addition, the policy of pacts conducted by Sánchez after the 2016 general election, based on Sánchez's outright refusal to facilitate a People's Party government, caused a faction within the party critical of Sánchez to gain momentum, led by President of Andalusia Susana Díaz. On 28 September 2016, the Secretary of Federal Policy Antonio Pradas went to the party's headquarters and presented the en bloc resignation of 17 members of the Federal Executive and the demands of those who resigned for the party to be run by an interim manager and to pressure Sánchez to resign as Secretary-General. The Executive later lost two more members in the en bloc resignation, bringing the total number of resignations to 19. Resigning executives included the president of the party Micaela Navarro, the former Minister Carme Chacón, the President of Valencia Ximo Puig and the President of Castilla–La Mancha Emiliano García-Page. This launched the 2016 PSOE crisis. On the afternoon of 1 October 2016, after holding a tense Federal Committee meeting, Sánchez resigned as party General-Secretary, forcing an extraordinary party congress to choose a new General-Secretary. That night, it was reported that an interim manager would be chosen, later confirmed to be the President of Asturias Javier Fernández Fernández. Sánchez announced his intention to run for General-Secretary of the party as did Susana Díaz (one of the leaders of the anti-Sánchez faction of the party) and Patxi López, former President of the Basque Autonomous Community. At the 39th federal congress in June 2017, Díaz received 48.3% of endorsements, outpacing both Sánchez (43.0% of endorsements) and López (8.7% of endorsements), but Sánchez won an absolute majority of the party's popular vote at 50.3% (Díaz received 39.9% and López 9.8%). Both Díaz and López withdrew before the delegate vote, returning Sánchez as the General-Secretary and ending the crisis. Sánchez won every region of Spain except for the home regions of López and Díaz.

In mid-2018, the National Court found that the conservative People's Party profited from the illegal kickbacks-for-contracts scheme of the Gürtel case, confirming the existence of an illegal accounting and financing structure that ran in parallel with the party's official one since 1989 and that sentenced that the PP helped to establish "a genuine and effective system of institutional corruption through the manipulation of central, autonomous and local public procurement". The PSOE Parliamentary Group in the Congress of Deputies filed a motion of no confidence against the government of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, presenting Sánchez as alternative candidate. The PSOE's motion passed with the support of Unidos Podemos (UP), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), Coalició Compromís, EH Bildu and New Canaries (NCa), bringing down the Rajoy government. The PP voted against the proposal, joined by Citizens (C's), the Navarrese People's Union (UPN) and the Asturias Forum (FAC). The Canarian Coalition (CC) abstained. Following the successful motion of no confidence, Sánchez became Prime Minister on 2 June 2018 in a minority government. In December 2018, the PSOE's branch in Andalusia was defeated in the 2018 Andalusian regional election for the first time since the restoration of democracy, with a centre-right coalition of PP, C's and the resurgent right-wing nationalists Vox taking power in the region.

For most of his first term as Prime Minister, Sánchez relied on support from the UP and the NC to get his agenda passed, occasionally being forced into negotiating with the Catalan separatist parties the ERC and the PDeCAT and the PNV on individual issues. In February 2019, the ERC, the PDeCAT and En Marea withdrew their support of Sánchez's government by voting against and helping defeat the 2019 General State Budget and Sánchez called an early election for 28 April 2019. The April 2019 Spanish general election resulted in victory for the PSOE, with the party winning 123 seats on 28.7% of the vote in the Cortes and an absolute majority of 139 in the Senate, gains of 38 and 79 seats respectively. The PSOE also finished eight percentage points ahead of the PP which finished second in both seats and in the popular vote. At election night, party supporters demanded Sánchez to reject any coalition with Cs. [44] On the same day as the April 2019 general election, the 2019 Valencian regional election resulted in th the Valencian branch of the PSOE being re-elected in coalition with the Valencianist party Compromís and UP.

On 26 May 2019, the PSOE became the largest Spanish party in the European Parliament following the 2019 European Parliament election. The PSOE gained six seats to bring their total to 20 and won all but eight provinces in the country. 26 May also saw regional elections for every region in the country except Valencia, Catalonia, Andalusia, the Basque Country and Galicia. In every region, the PSOE gained seats and votes from the 2015 regional elections. The PSOE finished first in terms of votes and seats in every region except for Cantabria, where the Regionalist Party of Cantabria (PRC) finished first and the PSOE third behind the PP and Navarra, where the conservative regionalist NA+ finished first and the Socialist Party of Navarre finished second. PSOE governments were re-elected in Castilla-La Mancha and Extremadura, with the party receiving an absolute majority of seats in both regions. The party took over the Presidency of the Canary Islands with the support of New Canaries and Podemos, ending 26 years of Canarian Coalition government. On the same date, the PSOE became the largest party in the municipalities following the local elections.

Following months of political deadlock, Sánchez called a second general election in seven months. In the November 2019 Spanish general election, the PSOE lost only three members of parliament and 0.7% of the popular vote in the election, but the PP and VOX gained 23 and 28 seats respectively, further worsening the deadlock. As of 23 December, there was still no government in place, although members of the PSOE, the PSC and the UP have voted overwhelmingly to join in a coalition government, agreed to by Sánchez and UP Secretary-General Pablo Iglesias Turrión. On 5 January 2020, the PSOE–UP government failed its first investiture vote, with 166 votes in favor and 165 opposed with 18 abstentions and one UP parliamentarian absent, therefore the government fell short of an absolute majority. On 7 January, the investiture motion, this time requiring only a simple majority, passed with 167 votes in favour and 165 against. The PSOE, the UP, En Comú Podem, Grupo Común da Esquerda, the PNV, Más País, Compromís, NCa, the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) and Teruel Existe (TE) voted in favor of the government, with the PP, Vox, Cs, the Together for Catalonia (JxCat), the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP), NA+, the CC, the PRC and the FAC voting against while the ERC and EH Bildu each abstained.

From Marxism to social democracy Edit

The PSOE was founded with the purpose of representing and defending the interests of the proletariat formed during the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century. [ citation needed ] In its beginnings, the PSOE's main objective was the defense of worker's rights and the achievement of the ideals of socialism, emerging from contemporary philosophy and Marxist politics, by securing political power for the working class and establish a dictatorship of the proletariat in order to achieve social ownership of the means of production. The ideology of the PSOE has evolved throughout the 20th century according to relevant historical events and the evolution of Spanish society.

In 1979, the party abandoned its definitive Marxist thesis at the hands of its Secretary-General Felipe González, not before overcoming great tensions and two party congresses, the first of which preferred to maintain Marxism. Before this situation, notable internal leaders such as Pablo Castellano and Luis Gómez Llorente founded the internal faction of Left Socialists which included the militants who would not renounce Marxism. This allowed for the consolidation of the leftist forces in the PSOE. From this moment, the diverse events both outside and within the party led to projects that resembled those of other European social-democratic parties and acceptance of the defence of the market economy.

Currently, the PSOE defines itself as "social democratic, left-wing [45] [46] [47] and progressive". It is grouped with other self-styled socialists, social democrats and labour parties in the Party of European Socialists.

Federalism Edit

During the Second Spanish Republic, the matter of the conception of the state was open within the party, with two different views connected in discourse to the interests of the working class competed against each other, namely a centralist view as well as a federal one. [48] The late years of the Francoist dictatorship was a period in which the PSOE defended the right to "self-determination of the peoples of Spain" in that it was a reflection of both an ideological and a pragmatist approach. [49] Ultimately, the party, while sticking to a preference for a federal system, gradually ceased to mention the notion of self-determination during the Spanish transition to democracy. [50] Postulates coming from peripheral nationalisms that have been assumed by elements of the party, bringing an understanding of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia as nations and thus deserving of a different treatment than the rest of regions, have been heavily criticised by other party elements as according to the latter they would undermine the principle of territorial equality among the autonomous communities. [51]

Генеалогия и история семьи Negrin

There are many, many repeating names that need connecting among their owners: please, reach out and talk to each other!

ABRAHAM: Abraham NEGRIN (1892 - 1962) Abraham NEGRIN (1898 - 1947) Abraham NEGRIN (deceased) Abraham NEGRIN (deceased) Abraham NEGRIN (1889 - 1958) Abraham NEGRIN (deceased) Abraham Joseph NEGRIN (1906 - 1926)

AJARIAS: Ajarias NEGRIN (b. - 1967) Ajarius NEGRIN (1900 - 1968)

ALBERT: Albert NEGRIN (deceased) Albert NEGRIN (1886 - d.) Albert (Avraam) David NEGRIN (1895 - 1962) Alberto NEGRIN (deceased) Albertos (Avraam) Ilias NEGRIN (1914 - 1992)

ANNITA: Annita NEGRIN (Moisias) (1913 - d.) Annita NEGRIN) (Mosias) (1908 - 1944)

ANTONINA: Antonina NEGRIN CARÁMBULA (1895 - d.) Antonio NEGRIN CARÁMBULA (1892 - d.)

ANTONIO: Antonio REGO NEGRIN (deceased) Antonio NEGRÍN (deceased) Antonio NEGRIN DEL CAMPO (deceased)

BAROUCH: Barouch NEGRIN (1923 - 1944) Barouch NEGRIN (1898 - 1966) Barouch NEGRIN (deceased)

BENJAMIN: Benjamin NEGRIN (deceased) Benjamin NEGRIN (c.1938 - 1944)

CHANOOLA: Chanoola Youssa NEGRIN (PAPLOMATAS) (Matza) (1881 - 1944) Chanoula NEGRIN (Matsas) (deceased)

DAVID: David NEGRIN (deceased) David E. NEGRIN (1909 - 1980) David Abraham NEGRIN (c.1870 - 1940)

ELIAS: Elia NEGRIN (c.1869 - 1944) Elia NEGRIN (1868 - 1944) Elia (Louie) NEGRIN (1868 - 1943) Elias NEGRIN (1943 - 1944) Elias NEGRIN (deceased) Elias NEGRIN (1934 - 1944) Elias 'Louis' NEGRIN (c.1875 - d.) Elias (Gouliaras) NEGRIN (deceased) Elias Elios NEGRIN (deceased) Eliyia NEGRIN (deceased) Ilias NEGRIN (deceased) Ilias NEGRIN (1931 - 1944)

ESTHER: Ester NEGRIN (deceased) Esther NEGRIN (Levy) (deceased) Esther IAKOV (JACOB) (Negrin) (1917 - 1944) Esther NEGRIN (Jessula) (1898 - d.) Esther NEGRIN (deceased) Esther NEGRIN (Matza) (1904 - 1995) Esther (bat?) David Jeuda (Negrin) (1873 - d.) Esther MATHIOS (Negrin) (1866 - 1941) Esther DOSTIS (Negrin) (1887 - 1926) Esther GANIS (Negrin) (c.1909 - 1984) Esther NEGRIN (deceased) Esther NEGRIN (Yosekos) (1916 - 1944) Esther (Estreya) NEGRIN (Marash) (deceased)

ETHEL: Ethel DECASTROS (Negrin) (1907 - 2003) Ethel DeCastros NEGRIN (deceased)

ETTA: Etta NEGRIN (Schoenfeld) (deceased) Etta NEGRIN (Shonfeld) (deceased)

EZRA: Ezra NEGRIN (deceased) Ezra NEGRIN (deceased)

GRACIA - GRAGIA - GRATSIA: Gracia (Alvanios) NEGRIN (1914 - d.) Gragia Jacob NEGRIN (Alkalai) (c.1910 - 1944) GRATSIA ALKALAI-NEGRIN (deceased)

HAIM: Haim Ilias NEGRIN (1908 - d.) Haim NEGRIN (GOULIARIS) (1869 - c.1944) Haim NEGRIN (1865 - 1944) Haim NEGRIN (c.1893 - d.)

HANNOULA: Hannoula NEGRIN (deceased) Hanoula NEGRIN (Alcalay) (1873 - 1944) Hanoula NEGRIN (Cohen (Koen)) (deceased) Hanoula DAVID (Negrin) (1868 - d.) Hanoula NEGRIN (deceased) Hanoula NEGRIN (Ganis) (1884 - 1974)

IDA: Ida NEGRIN (deceased) ida (dudu) NEGRIN (deceased)

ILIAS: Ilias NEGRIN (deceased) Ilias NEGRIN (1931 - 1944)

ISAAC - ISSAC: : Isaac NEGRIN (deceased) Isaac NEGRIN (1923 - 1996) Isaac NEGRIN (deceased) Isaac David NEGRIN (c.1904 - d.) Issac NEGRIN (deceased) Issac NEGRIN (1896 - c.1963)

ITZHAK - ITZJAK: itzhak NEGRIN (deceased) Itzjak NEGRIN (deceased)

JACK - JAK: Jack NEGRIN (1889 - 1988) Jak NEGRIN (deceased)

JEANNE: Jeanne SAPRIEL (Negrin) (deceased) Jeanne NEGRIN (deceased)

JOSE - JOSEPH - PEPE - YOSEF - YOSSEF: Jose NEGRÍN Y LUGO (1831 - d.) Jose NEGRIN Y LLARENA (deceased) Jose Negrin NEGRIN (deceased) Joseph NEGRIN (c.1874 - 1939) Joseph " Pepo" Negrin (1912 - d.) joseph NEGRIN (deceased) Joseph NEGRIN (deceased) Joseph NEGRIN (deceased) Joseph NEGRIN (deceased) Joseph NEGRIN (deceased) Joseph NEGRIN (b. - 1970) Joseph NEGRIN (1917 - 1989) Joseph Abraham NEGRIN (1879 - 1942) José NEGRÍN Y BRAVO DE LAGUNA (c.1878 - d.) Pepe NEGRIN (deceased)

JUAN: Juan NEGRIN (deceased) Juan NEGRÍN CUBA (deceased) Juan Bautista Fernandez Negrin (1927 - d.)

JULIA: Julia NEGRIN (deceased) Julia NEGRIN (deceased) Julia PINHAS (Negrin) (1910 - 1985)

KATERINA - KATHERINE: Katerina Atika SZANTO (Negrim / Negrin) (1923 - 1997) Katherine NEGRIN (b. - 2000)

LEAH: Leah MATHIOS (Negrin) (1900 - 1995) Leah CRESCAS (Negrin) (deceased) Leah NEGRIN (David) (b. - 1980) Lula (Leah) NEGRIN (Cohen) (1845 - 1920)

LEO - LEON: Leo NEGRIN (1914 - 1991) Leo NEGRIN (c.1926 - d.) Leo NEGRIN (deceased) Leon Yehuda NEGRIN (deceased) Leon NEGRIN (1943 - 1944) leon NEGRIN (deceased) Leon Juan MORENO NEGRIN (deceased)

LILLIAN: Lillian DECASTROS (Negrin) (b. - 1948) Lillian Emanuel NEGRIN (Emanuel) (1911 - 1994) Lillian NEGRIN (deceased)

LOUIS: Louis Tzadik NEGRIN (1904 - 1975) Louis NEGRIN (deceased)

LOUISA - LOUISE - LUISA: Louisa NEGRIN (deceased) Louisa NEGRIN (1916 - d.) Louise LEVY (Negrin) (c.1900 - 1962) Louise GARBER (Negrin) (1906 - 1995) Louise NEGRIN (deceased) Luisa NEGRIN (1907 - d.)

MARIA - MARY - MIRIAM: Maria NEGRIN (deceased) Meri (1908 - d.) maria NEGRIN (deceased) Marie Adele ADAMS (Negrin) (deceased) Mary FRIEDMAN (Negrin) (1915 - d.) Mary NEGRIN (Gabbay) (deceased) Miriam NEGRIN (deceased)

MAZAL - MAZALTOV MAZALTOV - MAZEL: Mazal NEGRIN (deceased) Mazalto NEGRIN (1879 - d.) Mazaltov NEGRIN (c.1871 - d.) Mazel CATTAUI (Negrin) (deceased)

MENACHEM: Menachem NEGRIN (deceased) Menachem NEGRIN (c.1863 - 1907)

MICHAEL - MIGUEL: Michael Negrin (deceased) Michael NEGRIN (deceased) Michael NEGRIN (deceased) Michel Ilias NEGRIS (NEGRIN) (1916 - d.) Miguel NEGRIN (deceased)

MOISE - MOISIS - MORRIS - MOYSES: Moise Elias NEGRIN (c.1888 - d.) Moise (Morris) NEGRIN (1908 - 2000) MOISIS NEGRIN (deceased) Moisis NEGRIN (1914 - 1944) Morris NEGRIN (c.1886 - d.) Morris NEGRIN (1917 - 1974) MORRIS NEGRIN (deceased) Morris NEGRIN (1889 - 1965) Morris E. NEGRIN (deceased) Morris Joseph NEGRIN (1917 - 1974) Moses NEGRIN (c.1833 - 1924) Moses NEGRIN (1843 - 1924) Moyses NEGRIN (deceased)

MOLLIE - MOLLY: Mollie BARUCH (Negrin) (1896 - 1982) Mollie NEGRIN (deceased) Molly NEGRIN (deceased) Molly NEGRIN (c.1912 - d.) Molly NEGRIN (Barouch) (1897 - 1958) Molly NEGRIN (deceased) Molly NEGRIN (deceased)

MURRAY: Murray NEGRIN (b. - 2001) Murray NEGRIN (deceased)

NAHOOM - NAHOUM: Nahoom "Nat" NEGRIN (c.1919 - 2007) Naoum NEGRIN (PAPLOMATAS) (1917 - 2001)

NATHAN: Nathan NEGRIN (deceased) Nathan NEGRIN (1905 - 1984)

NELLI - NELLY: Nelli NEGRIN (deceased) Nelly Verter (Negrin) (1919 - 2002)

NESIM - NESSIM - NISSIM: Nesim NEGRIN (deceased) Nessim NEGRIN (1885 - 1971) Nisim NEGRIN (b. - 1938)

NICOLAS: Nicholas NEGRIN (deceased) Nicolás Federico DE ASCANIO BAZÁN Y NEGRÍN (1855 - 1936)

NINA: Nina NEGRIN (1935 - 1944) Nina Esther HOOPER (Negrin) (1922 - 2013) Nina HOOPER (Negrin) (1922 - 2013)

RACHEL: Rachel DE CASTRO (Negrin) (1886 - d.) Rachel NEGRIN (Carasso) (1883 - 1954) Rachel NEGRIN (deceased) Rachel NEGRIN (Hametz) (deceased) Rachel NEGRIN (1894 - d.) Rachel "Mary" Nelson NAHMIAS (Negrin) (c.1924 - d.) Rachele NEGRIN (deceased) Rachil NEGRIN (deceased)

RAFAEL - RAPHAEL: Rafael NEGRÍN (deceased) Raphael NEGRIN (1916 - 1944) Raphael NEGRIN (GOULIARIS) (deceased)

REBECCA - REVEKA - RIFKOULA - RIVKA(H): Rebecca NEGRIN (David) (c.1869 - d.) Rebecca NEGRIN (c.1910 - d.) Rebecca NEGRIN (deceased) Rebecca NEGRIN (Cabelly) (1899 - 1983) Rebecca NEGRIN (David) (1867 - 1940) Reveka NEGRIN (Betsalel Battinos) (c.1898 - c.1944) Reveka NEGRIN (PAPLOMATAS) (1931 - 1944) Reveka (Rebecca) (Rifka) ISCHAKI (Negrin) (1903 - 1944) Rifkoula NEGRIN (deceased) Rivka NEGRIN (deceased) Rivka NEGRIN (1848 - d.) Rivka NEGRIN (1906 - d.) Rivkah OREN (Negrin) (deceased)

REGINA: Regina NEGRIN (1905 - 1927) Regina NEGRIN (Rossi) (deceased) Regina NEGRIN (1903 - 1916) Regina GANI (Negrin (Gouliaris)) (1890 - 1945)

RENEE: Renee NEGRIN (deceased) Renee (Regina) NEGRIN (Matsliach (Matsil)) (1912 - 1994)

ROSA - ROSE - ROSINA - ROZA - ROZINA: Rosa Elena SIMEON NEGRIN (b. - 2004) Rose MATATHIAS ( Negrin) (deceased) Rose MATATHIA (Negrin) (1844 - 1926) Rose (Rosina) MATZA (Negrin) (1901 - 1998) Roza NEGRIN (deceased) ROZINA NEGRIN (deceased) Rozina NEGRIN (PAPLOMATAS) (1939 - 1944)

SALOMON - SOLOMON - SHLOMO - SOL: Salomon NEGRIN (deceased) Salomon (Shlomo) NEGRIN (deceased) Shlomo NEGRIN (deceased)

Sol PALACCI (Negrin) (c.1865 - c.1947) Sol NEGRIN (deceased) Sol NEGRIN (1904 - 1969)

SALVADOR: Salvador NEGRIN (deceased) Salvador NEGRIN (deceased)

SAMUEL: Sam NEGRIN (1914 - 2007) Samuel NEGRIN (deceased) Samuel NEGRIN (deceased) Samuel NEGRIN (deceased) Samuel NEGRIN (deceased) Samuel NEGRIN (deceased) Smuel NEGRIN (deceased)

SARA - SARAH: Sara NEGRIN (Corito) (deceased) Sara MIONI (Negrin) (deceased) Sarah NEGRIN (DeCastros) (1923 - 1972) Sarah SOLOMON (Negrin) (b. - 1910) Sarah SOLOMON (Negrin) (1910 - 1970) Sarah NEGRIN (deceased) Sarah NEGRIN (Lafazan) (c.1895 - 1916) Sarah LINDENFELD (Negrin) (1918 - 2009) Sarah NEGRIN (deceased) Sarah deCastros NEGRIN (1923 - 1972)

SOL (woman's name): Sol PALACCI (Negrin) (c.1865 - c.1947) Sol NEGRIN (deceased) Sol NEGRIN (1904 - 1969)

STAMOULA - STAMULA - STEROULA: Stamoula IAKOV (JACOB) (Negrin) (1915 - 1944) Stamula NEGRIN (Levy) (deceased) Steroula-Esther NEGRIN (1880 - 1944)

STELLA: Stella NEGRIN (deceased) Stella GREENE (Negrin) (1902 - 1981) Stella HOROWITZ (Negrin) (deceased)

SYLVIA: Sylvia MESSINA (Negrin) (deceased) Sylvia HARRIS (Negrin) (1929 - 1985)

TILD - TILY: Tilda Negrin (deceased) Tily NEGRIN (c.1932 - 1944)

VICTOR - VITO: Victor NEGRIN (deceased) Vito Giovanni Negrin (1927 - 1998)

YAAKOV: Yaakov NEGRIN (deceased) Yaakov NEGRIN (deceased) Yaakov NEGRIN (deceased)

YEHUDA - YEUDA: Jeuda NEGRIN (deceased) Yehuda NEGRIN (PAPLOMATAS) (1875 - 1936) Yeuda NEGRIN (deceased)

The third episode in our series on the Spanish Civil War is out now!

Rss feed | iTunes | Spanish Civil War Page | Other listening options

Spain had divided to the point of no return and the right-wing Nationalists, led by the army, had given up on democracy and launched an uprising, against the government. The uprising was only partially successful, leaving Spain split in two not only politically, but also geographically. There was then a scramble to get the support of foreign powers, to put armies in the field and to organize shattered command structures.

This episode looks at the battles in the war as 1936 turned into 1937, as well as the civil war within the civil war. Madrid, Guernica, Republican infighting, and Nationalist consolidation are just a few of the areas we cover.

Minister of Finance

He was named Minister of Finance in September 1936 in the government of Francisco Largo Caballero. [ 11 ] As the finance minister, he built up the carabineros (custom guards), a force of 20,000 men [ 12 ] which was later nicknamed the "Hundred Thousand Sons of Negrín" [ 13 ] (an allusion to the Hundred Thousand Sons of Saint Louis), in order to recover the control of the French frontier posts, which had been seized by the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). [ 14 ] [ 15 ] He took the controversial decision to transfer the Spanish gold reserves to the Soviet Union in return for arms to continue the war (October 1936). [ 16 ] Worth $500 million at the time [ 17 ] (another $240 million had been sent to France in July), [ 18 ] critics argued that this action put the Republican government under the control of Joseph Stalin. [ 19 ]

One quarter for investments

Likewise, he added, together with José Medina, president of the Foundation, the agreement that both parties will sign shortly will contemplate that up to 20% can be allocated to investments.

All this will serve to support that a trunk recently discovered by the granddaughter and 40 boxes could at the time be opened, inventoried and studied, in short, "explored", as if there were few 150,000 documents that are already available to the public , the valuable archive of Juan Negrín treasured in what was his house of Paris "still keeps pearls", said his granddaughter, who on Monday moved to Gran Canaria to mark the anniversary of the birth of the statesman.

One of the objectives is inventory the legacy, move it to Gran Canaria and once on the island undertake the scanning, for which the Foundation will have to acquire the necessary equipment, detailed the same sources

"Contributing to the study of his documents is more necessary than ever, not only because of his figure, but because of the values ​​he defended, his three premonitory speeches are incredible and the moment in which he made them," Morales said, referring to the message to the people American, the letter to President Roosevelt and his message to the country explaining the moment he lived in January 1939, just a few months before the war broke out, and that they have been recovered by the Foundation and published in his Web on the occasion of 127th anniversary of his birth this Sunday, February 3.

"He was a man with a deep civic thinking, republican and a great prestige as a researcher who fought in a decisive way fascism, "said Morales, who described the work done by the Foundation and his family as extraordinary.

Regarding the access of trainings of ultra-right to Spanish institutions, Carmen Negrín said that she supports the need to take into account the teachings of Juan Negrín, since "it is not a Spanish problem, it is a general problem, not even a European one".

Prime minister

On 17 May 1937, Manuel Azaña (after Largo was dismissed) named Negrín the 135th Prime Minister of Spain. [ 20 ] Negrín's government included Indalecio Prieto named minister of War, Navy and Air, Julián Zugazagoitia as minister of interior (both socialists), the communists Jesús Hernández Tomás as minister of education and Vicente Uribe as minister of agriculture, the republicans José Giral as foreign minister and Bernardo Giner de los Ríos as public works minister, the Basque Manuel Irujo as minister of justice and the Catalan Nationalist Jaime Ayguadé Miró as minister of labour. [ 21 ]


His main objectives were to fortify the central government, [ 22 ] to reorganize and fortify the Republican army [ 7 ] and to impose the law and order in the Republican-held area, [ 23 ] [ 24 ] against largely independent armed militias of the labor unions (CNT) and parties, thus curtailing the revolution inside the Republic. He also wanted to break the international isolation of the Republic in order to get the arms embargo lifted, [ 25 ] and from 1938 to search an international mediation in order to finish the war. [ 26 ] He also wished to normalize the position of the Catholic Church inside the Republic. [ 27 ] All this was intended to connect the Spanish conflict with World War II, which he believed to be imminent, although the Munich Agreement definitively made all hope of outside aid vanish. [ 28 ]

Military situation

On the military level, along 1937 he launched a series of offensives in June ( Huesca & Segovia ), July, Brunete and August, Belchite, in order to halt the Nationalist offensive in the North, but all failed and by October the Nationalists had occupied all of the Northern territory. Beginning December, he launched an offensive in order to free Teruel, but by February his Republican Army had to retreat after suffering heavy losses and the Nationalists launched a counter-offensive in Aragon, cutting in half the Republican-held zone. On July 1938 Negrín launched an offensive in order to cross the Ebro River and reconnect the two Republican-held zones. The Republican army managed to cross the Ebro, but by November had to retire after it suffered heavy casualties and lost most of its material. Finally, on February 1939, he ordered to launch an offensive in Extremadura to stop the Nationalists advancement in their offensive against Catalonia, but was halted after a few days and Catalonia fell.

PCE's support

Although Negrín had always been a centrist in the PSOE, he maintained links with the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), whose policies at that point were in favor of a Popular Front alignment. One of the most controversial aspects of Negrín's government was its deep infiltration by the PCE, leading his critics – on both the Spanish left and right – to accuse him of being a puppet for the eventual establishment of a Stalinist communist state. The collapse of his government against the military golpe of Franco's forces destroyed any future development of the Spanish Republic. Negrín relied on the Communists to curtail the Anarchist wing of the Spanish Left, and was forced to rely on the Soviet Union, then led by Joseph Stalin, for weapons and armament, because of the arms embargo imposed by the Non-Intervention Committee . [ 29 ] Soviet activities in Spain seemed to be focused as much or more on NKVD-directed purges of real or alleged Trotskyists and anarchists within the republican zone as on winning the war against the Phalange.

Peace negotiations

The military situation of the Spanish Republic deteriorated steadily under Negrín's government, largely because of the superior quality of the opposing generals and officers many of whom were veterans of the Rif War , and by 1938 the overwhelming advantage of the Nationalists in terms of men (20%), aircraft and artillery provided by Germany and Italy. [ 30 ] On May 1938, Negrín issued the "Thirteen Points" (Trece Puntos), a program for peace negotiations, including absolute independence of Spain, liberty of conscience, protection of the regional liberties, universal suffrage, an amnesty for all Spaniards and agrarian reform, but Franco rejected any peace deal. [ 31 ] [ 32 ] Before the fall of Catalonia he proposed, in the meeting of the Cortes in Figueres, capitulation with the sole condition of respecting the lives of the vanquished and the holding of a plebiscite so the Spanish people could decide the form of government, but Franco rejected the new peace deal. [ 33 ] On 9 February 1939, he moved to the Central Zone (30% of the Spanish territory) with the intention of defending the remaining territory of the republic until the start of the general European conflict, [ 34 ] and organize the evacuation of those most at risk. [ 35 ] Negrín thought that there was no other course but resistance, because the Nationalists rejected to negotiate any peace deal. [ 36 ]

Casado's coup

However, Colonel Segismundo Casado, joined by José Miaja , Julian Besteiro (the leader of the PSOE right-wing faction) and Cipriano Mera, tired of fighting, which they regarded then as hopeless. Seeking better surrender terms, they seized power in Madrid on 5 March 1939, created a military Junta, the Consejo Nacional de Defensa, and deposed Negrín. [ 38 ] On March 6, Negrín fled to France. [ 39 ] Although the troops led by the PCE rejected the coup on Madrid they were defeated by the Cipriano Mera's troops. [ 40 ] The Junta tried to negotiate a peace deal with the nationalists, but Franco only accepted an unconditional surrender of the Republic. [ 41 ] Finally all the members of the Junta (except Besteiro) fled, and by 31 of March 1939 the Nationalists seized all the Spanish territory. [ 42 ]

Watch the video: La Memoria. Carmen negrín, presidenta de la Fundación Juan Negrín (January 2023).

Video, Sitemap-Video, Sitemap-Videos